DEPÓSITO LEGAL ZU2020000153  
Esta publicación científica en formato digital  
es continuidad de la revista impresa  
ISSN 0041-8811  
E-ISSN 2665-0428  
Revista  
de la  
Universidad  
del Zulia  
Fundada en 1947  
por el Dr. Jesús Enrique Lossada  
Ciencias  
Sociales  
y Arte  
Año 12 N° 34  
Septiembre - Diciembre 2021  
Tercera Época  
Maracaibo-Venezuela  
REVISTA DE LA UNIVERSIDAD DEL ZULIA. 3ª época. Año 12 N° 34, 2021  
Vitalii Gutnyk et al. /// The concept of constitutional pluralism as the fundamental basis 361-378  
The concept of constitutional pluralism as the fundamental  
basis for the development of the European Union legal order  
Vitalii Gutnyk *  
Ivan Bratsuk **  
Stepan Burak ***  
Antonina Zubareva ****  
ABSTRACT  
The objective of this article is to analyze the concept of constitutional pluralism as a  
methodological basis for the construction of the legal system of the European Union. In  
particular, attention is paid to investigating the particularities of the interaction and  
operation of the different constitutional legal systems within the legal sphere of the  
European Union, studying the constitutional collisions derived from the interaction of  
European Union law and the law national of the Member States. Dialectical, comparative  
legal, historical, systemic-structural and formal dogmatic methods were used in the  
research. The article concluded that the national constitutional courts of the Member  
States of the European Union can give priority to their constitutional rules only if those  
rules are clear and reflect substantial constitutional obligations. However, in any case, in  
order to maintain the coherence of the legislation of the European Union and the national  
legislation of the Member States, it is necessary to amend the national Constitutions of the  
Member States of the European Union.  
KEYWORDS: European Union; law; pluralism; doctrines; courts.  
*
Doctor of legal sciences, professor of International Law Department, Ivan Franko National  
University of Lviv, Ukraine. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1401-4393. E-mail:  
vitalik_gutnik@ukr.net  
**  
Сandidate of legal sciences, associate professor of European Law Department, Ivan Franko  
National University of Lviv, Ukraine. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0164-7407  
***  
Assistant of professor of European Law Department, Ivan Franko National University of  
****  
Сandidate of legal sciences, associate professor of International Law Department, Ivan  
Franko National University of Lviv, Ukraine. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3994-2698  
Recibido: 31/05/2021  
Aceptado: 14/07/2021  
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REVISTA DE LA UNIVERSIDAD DEL ZULIA. 3ª época. Año 12 N° 34, 2021  
Vitalii Gutnyk et al. /// The concept of constitutional pluralism as the fundamental basis 361-378  
El concepto de pluralismo constitucional como base fundamental  
para el desarrollo del orden jurídico de la Unión Europea  
RESUMEN  
El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el concepto de pluralismo constitucional como base  
metodológica para la construcción del ordenamiento jurídico de la Unión Europea. En  
particular, se presta atención a la investigación de las particularidades de la interacción y el  
funcionamiento de los diferentes ordenamientos jurídicos constitucionales dentro del  
ámbito jurídico de la Unión Europea, estudiando las colisiones constitucionales derivadas  
de la interacción del derecho de la Unión Europea y el derecho nacional de los Estados  
miembros. En la investigación se utilizaron métodos dialécticos, jurídicos comparados,  
históricos, sistémicos-estructurales y dogmáticos formales. En el artículo se llegó a la  
conclusión de que los tribunales constitucionales nacionales de los Estados miembros de la  
Unión Europea pueden dar prioridad a sus normas constitucionales sólo si dichas normas  
son claras y reflejan obligaciones constitucionales sustanciales. Sin embargo, en cualquier  
caso, para mantener la coherencia de la legislación de la Unión Europea y la legislación  
nacional de los Estados miembros, es necesario modificar las Constituciones nacionales de  
los Estados miembros de la Unión Europea.  
PALABRAS CLAVE: Unión Europea; derecho; pluralismo; doctrinas; tribunales.  
Introduction  
The active development of integration processes taking place within the  
European Union (hereinafter - the EU) leads to further convergence and closer  
interaction of national legal systems of member states, which expands the range of legal  
relations governed by the EU law. At the present stage of development of legal science,  
legal doctrines are becoming increasingly important, thanks to which it is possible to  
effectively solve various problems, which sometimes cannot be answered within the  
traditional approaches and concepts of international and national law (Gogin et al,  
2021). These processes are inherent in the law of the EU, which primarily due to its  
specific nature, in fact, challenged traditional approaches to understanding the idea of  
law, its legal nature and content. The concept of constitutional pluralism is new means  
by which the specifics of interaction and functioning of various constitutional legal  
systems within the EU at the supranational level and the national level are studied, as  
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Vitalii Gutnyk et al. /// The concept of constitutional pluralism as the fundamental basis 361-378  
well as various conflicts arising from this interaction are eliminated. A key element is  
the constitutional courts of the EU member states, which must always ensure a balance  
within the EU's pluralistic legal order. Thanks to this concept, the directions of further  
development of both the law of the EU and the national law of the EU member states are  
delineated.  
This article is devoted to analyzing of the concept of constitutional pluralism as a  
fundamental basis for the development of the EU legal order. Despite the importance of the  
study of constitutional pluralism in the EU law, the existing scientific research is limited  
only to some aspects of the subject of this paper.  
In this article were solved the following tasks:  
to define the doctrinal approaches to the content of the concept of constitutional  
pluralism of the EU law;  
to formulate the main internal sources of the concept of pluralism in the EU law;  
to find out the specific features of the concept of pluralism through the prism  
-
of the relationship between the EU law and the national law of the Member States;  
to characterize the influence of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany on  
the development of the concept of constitutional pluralism in the EU law;  
The study was conducted through the critical analysis of the EU legal doctrine, the  
EU legislation, and the EU member states' legislation. Particular attention is paid to the  
practice of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany.  
The subjects of the research were norms of the EU law as well as the EU member  
states' legislation and practice of national courts. The subject study is the concept of  
constitutional pluralism.  
1
. Literature review  
The concept of constitutional pluralism is reflected in the works of scholars such as  
N. MacCormick, G. Shaffer, R. Kwiecien, Jessica C. Lawrence, M. Wilkinson, N. Walker,  
J. Weiler, K. Ziegler, M. Maduro, M. Krisch, M. Kumm etc. For example, Jessica C.  
Lawrence - considers the concept of constitutional pluralism as a kind of discussion  
technique that solves the relationship between the legal orders (Lawrence, 2019). N.  
MacCormick considered this concept through the prism of the existence in the legal system  
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of the EU law autonomous constitutional legal orders within each of them there is a legal  
field that interacts with each other (MacCormick, 1999). It seems interesting to approach  
M. Wilkinson, who understands this theory as one that characterizes the development of  
post-sovereign European state, and the author emphasizes that in the EU there is a  
multilevel constitutional structure formed by voluntary limited sovereignty by members of  
the EU (Wilkinson, 2019). N. Krisch considers this concept through the prism of the  
activity of national (constitutional) courts of the member states on the interpretation and  
application of the EU law because depending on effectively determining which rules to  
apply in settlement of disputes and how to establish interaction between different levels of  
government (supranational and national) will express constitutional pluralism (Krisch,  
2013). Also interesting is the point of view of M. Avbelj who sees the observance of EU  
values as the goal of constitutional pluralism, and when an EU member state in the  
person of its constitutional courts makes decisions that are contrary to the basic values  
of the EU law, then these actions are by no means should be equated with constitutional  
pluralism (Avbelj, 2016).  
2
. Methodology  
In the article were used dialectical, comparative legal, historical, system-structural  
and formal dogmatic methods.  
The dialectical method gave the opportunity to consider the concept of  
constitutional pluralism in relation to other legal concepts. The comparative legal method  
was used to compare the understanding of the concept of constitutional pluralism in  
different decisions of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. The historical method  
is used to analyze the genesis of the concept of constitutional pluralism. The system-  
structural method made it possible to consider constitutional pluralism as the complex  
concept in the law of the European Union. The formal-dogmatic method was used to  
interpret the provisions contained in the decisions of the Federal Constitutional Court of  
Germany.  
3
. Doctrinal approaches to the content of the concept of constitutional  
pluralism of the EU law  
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Examining the content of legal pluralism in general, we can find the view that this  
concept should be considered through the prism of the possibility of coexistence of  
different potentially conflicting legal norms within one legal system. Moreover, these  
norms will not be mutually exclusive and will, if necessary, be selectively applied due to the  
legal mechanisms of the legal system. It is due to legal pluralism that the existing conflict  
between legal norms can be overcome, which is expressed and enshrined in legal acts of  
different legal forces (Jansen, 2012). At the same time, until recently, when the scope of  
international law was expanded by multilateral international treaties, legal pluralism  
was viewed solely through the prism of a clear division of monistic national legal orders  
and general, but limited in regulatory plan international law, which usually did not  
intersect. Thus, in this case, the emphasis is on integrative processes, as fundamental  
accumulating factors due to which legal pluralism is actively developing and changing.  
This concept essentially brings together different areas of law within the legal system.  
In this context, the point of view is actual that “constitutionalism and pluralism are  
distinguished ... by the different extent to which [each] formally link[s] the various  
spheres of law and politics. While pluralism regards them as separate in their  
foundations, global constitutionalism, properly understood, is a monist conception that  
integrates those spheres into one(Shaffer, 2012).  
One of the founders of the concept of constitutional pluralism is N. MacCormick  
who, studying the functioning of the EU legal system, came to the conclusion that this  
theory should be understood as idea that two autonomous legal and political systems can  
interact at a high degree of intensity, making simultaneous claims to ultimate authority,  
without one being ubordinated to the other. But conflicts between two systems interacting  
in this wayshould be resolved according to prudential judicial politics,or principles, shared  
by, orexternal to, both systems (MacCormick, 1999). Examining this question, the  
scholar admits the possibility of the existence within one EU legal system of multiple  
legal orders, each of which together with its current constitution is legitimate and  
operates within its own sphere and whose main purpose is to prevent the constitutional  
supremacy of one legal order over others.  
The concept of constitutional pluralism has acquired specific features in EU law and  
has become not only a tool for resolving "conflict" situations in EU law, but also an effective  
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means of understanding the unique legal nature of EU law as a whole. For example, R.  
Kwiecien concludes that from the standpoint of material sources of law, the legal order of  
the EU and the national (constitutional) legal orders of the Member States are  
complementary sets of legal norms and values, which are expressed and embodied in them.  
Therefore, such a relationship can be called "constitutional pluralism", "European legal  
pluralism", "multi-center legal system" or "European unwritten social contract", which  
will result in the coordination of legal systems (Kwiecien, 2005). Thus, given to  
cosideration the growing convergence of the legal systems of the EU Member States, the  
relationship between EU supranational law and the national constitutional law of the  
Member States is often defined by various concepts, but in general the term pluralism  
best reflects this interaction.  
In this context, we share the point of view of Jessica C. Lawrence according to  
which,  
constitutional pluralism marks certain conflicts as legitimate despite their lack  
of a single source of ‘legality’. It does this by shifting the legitimating function to  
some other normwhether cosmopolitan values, fundamental rights, shared  
conflict resolution principles, an alternative constitutional order, or something  
else(Lawrence, 2019).  
Considering this concept, it should be noted that among scientists there are different  
approaches to its understanding and scope. Thus M. Wilkinson understands it as a theory  
that is applied and characterizes development of the post-sovereign European state and  
state-system. He emphasizes that the key role in this theory is played by two aspects: first,  
the concept of sovereigntyunderstood as ultimate political authorityis folded into  
constitutional authority, into the constitution itself, and thereby into its authoritative  
interpreters, particularly, if not exclusively, constitutional courts; second, constitutional  
authority is then presented as quasi-federal or compound in nature, a feature of a multi-  
layered constitutional system comprising the domestic constitution and a European  
constitution (and their respective authoritative interpreters)(Wilkinson, 2019).  
According to the scientist, there is a multilevel constitutional structure in the EU, which  
was formed due to the voluntary limited sovereignty of the EU member states, and which is  
actively functioning and changing.  
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Other scholars use the term "multilevel constitutionalism" to mean the  
coexistence of different constitutional bodies within a broader system of government,  
none of which ultimately has supremacy, as well as a strict regime of competence that  
preserves the autonomy of the respective spheres. In other words, the legal and  
constitutional systems of the EU are parallel, in the sense that they coexist in a more or  
less horizontal or "hierarchical" relationship (Walker, 2002). At the same time, they are  
intertwined, but each of them has its own independent legal and constitutional zone  
outside the sphere of overlap.  
At the same time, it should be noted that the Lisbon Treaty is also not a form of  
"
supreme law", which is endowed with higher legal force in relation to national  
constitutions, they rather coexist in parallel planes. However, in this context, the  
position of a number of authors is interesting, who believe that the amount of freedom  
of action of the EU due to the Lisbon Treaty has increased so much that in some policy  
areas the European Union has a form typical of federal states. Whereas internal  
decision-making and the appointment of procedures correspond to the structure of an  
international organization (Kellenberger, 2003; Weiler, 2001). EU law already has  
supreme legal force because it has supremacy over any contradictory rules of national  
law, but this form of supremacy is only pragmatic.  
J. Weiler shares this position and views the EU legal order through the prism of  
European integration, which already exists as a constitutional unity and does not need a  
new constitution, which would be enshrined in the traditional constitutional way,  
because it (integration) meets this purpose (Weiler, 1996). This constitutional unity of  
the EU is based on the key principles established by the European Court of Justice for  
the relationship between EU law and national law (direct action and the rule of law). In  
this case, K. Ziegler notes that constitutionalism in the dimension between the EU and  
its member states is characterized primarily by supranational rule-making of the Court  
of Justice through the prism of its mandatory jurisdiction and respect for rights and  
freedoms both in the international court and through direct action its decisions in the  
national courts of the Member States (Ziegler, 2013). Thus, EU constitutionalism is the  
normative legitimacy of the EU legal order, which ensures its legitimacy and is the  
driving force in its development (Avbelj, 2008).  
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Quite interesting is the position of M. Maduro, who states that:  
We can identify four main sources of internal pluralism. First, there is a  
plurality of constitutional sources (both European and national) which have  
fed the EU constitutional framework and its general principles of law,  
particularly as developed in the jurisprudence ofthe Court of Justice. Second,  
the acceptance of the supremacy of EU rules over national constitutional  
rules has not been unconditional, if not even, at times, resisted by national  
constitutional courts. This confers to EU law a kind of contested or  
negotiated normative authority. Third, there is an emergence of new forms of  
power that challenges the traditional private/public distinction and the  
different mechanisms of accountability associated to them. Such pluralism in  
the forms of power challenges, in turn, the traditional legal categories upon  
which EU rules have been framed. Fourth, the European Union is also  
dominated by a form of political pluralism that can assume a rather radical  
form since the conflicting political claims are often supported by  
corresponding claims of polity authority” (Maduro, 2007).  
In general, the author takes the view that the main purpose of constitutional  
pluralism is to guarantee the integrity and coherence of the EU legal order. At the same  
time, he identifies certain mandatory requirements set by constitutional pluralism to  
achieve the above goal.  
(
The first, requirement of EU constitutional pluralism is that ‘any legal order  
national or European) must respect the identityof the other legal orders’, in  
particular via the ‘recognition and adjustment of each legal order to the  
plurality of equally legitimate claims of authority made by the other legal  
orders’. The second requirement is that discourse among constitutional actors  
must ‘take place in such a way as to promote the broadest participation  
possible’. Third, the various actors in the European system must ‘share the  
same commitment to a coherent legal order’, adjusting their claims to  
authority in order to ensure consistency andvertical and horizontal  
coherence. Fourth, national courts ought to justify their decisions on  
universalisable’ grounds that ‘could be applied by any other national court in  
similar situations’. Fifth and finally, the principle of ‘institutional choice’  
requiresthatconstitutional pluralism reject a singular focus on courts and  
judgments, and instead recognize the actions of a broader range of  
constitutional actors. So long as these requirements are fulfilled, it will  
remain ‘possible to have a coherent legal order in acontext of competing  
determinations of the law’ – conflicts over the ultimate locus of jurisdictional  
authority need not be resolved (Maduro, 2003).  
It should also be noted that the concept of constitutional pluralism in the EU was  
formed primarily in response to a number of cases in which the national constitutional  
courts of EU member states sought to determine whether EU law is compatible with a  
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country's national constitutional order. At the same time, there have often been  
attempts to make decisions that would call into question the automatic rule of EU law,  
thereby challenging its primacy. Thus, the constitutional courts of the EU Member  
States have questioned the rule of European Union law over national constitutional  
norms, on the grounds that they are the guarantee of national human rights standards  
and democratic principles. In this activity, how effectively they will determine which  
norms (EU law or national constitutional provisions) to apply in resolving a dispute and  
how to establish the interaction of different levels of government (supranational and  
national) and will express constitutional pluralism. In this case, we share the view that,  
we will find properly “constitutional” pluralism when rights are at issue and  
when rights-protecting courts (especially European ones) are the main actors.  
This does indeed fit most cases typically seen as expressions of pluralism in  
action, and it is plausible even if one does not think that pluralism is all about  
rights. Court action is often triggered by rights claims, and unlike most other  
political actors, courts need to give a principled account of what they do, so  
they need to clarify the relation of different levels of authority. It is through  
this clarificationand the conflicting accounts of different courtsthat we  
can best gauge the presence of a pluralist order(Krisch, 2013).  
Quite interesting is the point of view of M. Kumm, who proves the importance of  
pluralism, exploring the features and specifics of the relationship between the EU and  
national law of the Member States (Kumm, 1999). In particular, examining the  
development of pluralism in the EU legal order, the author identifies two possible  
trends in its development. The first is that constitutional courts will be able to repeal  
EU law on the basis of their specific constitutional norms and principles. According to  
another trend, Member States will very rarely be able to disregard EU law and do so  
only for positive reasons. The author is of the opinion that the second scenario is more  
plausible and constructive, and it is thanks to it that the effective interaction of EU law  
and national law of the Member States will take place over a long period of time. In this  
case, national courts will act as a driving, constructive force that will operate within the  
EU legal order and whose main goal will be to increase the level of democracy in the  
decision-making process at the level of the European Union.  
It is national courts that will give the Court of Justice of EU an incentive to pay  
more attention to issues of legislative jurisdiction and to be more careful in analyzing its  
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fundamental rights (Kumm, 2005). It should be noted, however, that national  
constitutional courts are likely to give priority to their constitutional provisions only if  
such provisions are clear and genuinely specific and reflect their essential constitutional  
obligations. However, in any case, in order to maintain the coherence of EU law and the  
national law of the Member States, it is necessary to amend the national constitutions or  
to ensure the withdrawal of such Member States from the EU if they refuse to do so.  
However, it should be noted that the key role in this case will be played by how  
the basic postulates of this theory are implemented in practice, in the context of the  
decision of the national constitutional courts of the Member States in the spirit of  
constitutional pluralism. Because they may often be tempted to make a decision that  
would contradict not only the basic principles of this theory but also EU law as a whole.  
Therefore, it is worth supporting the view that pluralist insistence on the respect for  
national constitutional autonomy, for the national pluralist-self, cannot be misused or  
even abused to legitimate national measures corrosive of the EU fundamental values  
under the guise of pluralism (Avbelj, 2016). In other words, when an EU Member State,  
represented by its constitutional courts, makes decisions that are contrary to the  
fundamental values of the EU law, then these actions should in no way be equated with  
constitutional pluralism. In this context, we fully share the point of view of Jessica C.  
Lawrence who examining the normative content of constitutional pluralism in the EU  
concludes that  
its normative content is far more determinate than it appears: it is not only a  
commitment to an ‘ever closer union’ or ‘democratic values’ or ‘respect for  
diversity’ or any other abstract concept that makes behavior an acceptable  
instance of constitutional pluralism  it is also necessary to be a ‘normal’,  
well-ordered’ (Western) European state that acts within acceptable bounds.  
These values may be historically, geographically, and politically contingent,  
may shift over time, and may not be applied with equal fervor to all actors in  
the system, but they are most certainly present(Lawrence, 2019).  
4
. The influence of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany on the  
development of the concept of constitutional pluralism in EU law  
Among the decisions of the Constitutional Courts of the EU member states, the  
most important for analysis are the decisions of the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC)  
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of Germany, which in some cases were ambiguous and sometimes not fully fit into the  
concept of constitutional pluralism. First of all, the FCC tried to retain the power to  
review EU law regarding its compatibility with fundamental rights and with the  
division of powers between the European and national levels of government. A clear  
example of this position was the case of Solange I, in which the Court took a principled  
position on the application of "secondary" EU law in accordance with fundamental  
human rights in Germany (Diete, 1998). The Federal Constitutional Court of Germany,  
recognizing the exclusive right of the Court of Justice to decide on the validity and  
interpretation of EU law, noted that the Court of Justice of the EU cannot rule if  
existing EU law is incompatible with the national Constitution. The FCC has the  
exclusive competence to decide that a norm of EU law (if it violates the Constitution)  
cannot be applied by the courts. And the effect of "secondary" EU law in the Federal  
Republic is subject to review by the Federal Constitutional Court, in addition to any  
review of fundamental rights by the Court of Justice of the EU. This practice will be  
applied “until the integration process reaches the adoption in EU law of the list of  
fundamental rights adopted by the parliament, which will correspond to the list of  
fundamental rights contained in the Constitution (BVerfG decision: Internationale  
Handelsgesellschaft v. Einfuhr und Vorratsstelle für Getreide und Futtermittel, 1974).  
Somewhat inconsistent with the first decision was the FCC's decision in Solange  
II, in which the court stated that it would no longer monitor the compatibility of  
Community law with Germany's fundamental rights, so in particular in this case the  
FCC emphasized that as long as the European Community, and in particular the Court  
of Justice, does not ensure effective protection of fundamental human rights under  
Community acts, which essentially provide for equal protection of fundamental rights in  
the German Constitution, the Federal Constitutional Court will not exercise  
jurisdiction and decide on the application of Community by-laws and will no longer  
review such legislation in accordance with the fundamental rights standards enshrined  
in the Constitution, nor can an action be brought before a court for that purpose  
(
BVerfG decision: Solange II, 1986). In addition, the Court held that such a decision had  
been reached on the belief in fundamental rights, in particular those protected by the  
European Court of Justice. Thus, it seems that the FCC has finally recognized the  
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protection of fundamental rights at Community level as sufficient, and theoretically  
remains interested in asserting its claims for due process, thus recognizing the doctrine  
of the rule of EU law, including over German constitutional norms. This decision meant,  
on the one hand, the rejection of the position enshrined in the Solange I and, on the other  
hand, reaffirmed the Constitutional Court's requirement that the German Constitution  
be superior to EU law, thereby strengthening the court's authority to consider the  
compatibility of the EU law and the German Constitution, especially in cases of serious  
violations of fundamental human rights (Winkelmann, 1994).  
Another important case, which examined the constitutional relationship between  
EU law and German law, was the Maastricht case, which challenged the constitutionality  
of state ratification of the EU Treaty. After considering the case, the FCC noted that  
ratification was compatible with the Constitution. However, it was stressed that the  
FCC would continue to consider the issue of compliance of EU law with the norms of  
the Constitution of Germany. Also in this case, the FCC raised a number of legal issues  
related to the binding force and applicability of EU law in Germany. In particular, the  
court argued that the Member States still remain so-called “owners of agreements”  
(
Herren der Verträge) and that the binding force of EU law depends primarily on  
German national law. Thus, the EU does not have the power to decide where the limits  
of EU power end and to determine its own competence. The Court also stated that it  
would apply its jurisdiction to implement the rules of "secondary" EU law, and thus  
verify their compliance with fundamental rights regarding "cooperation" with the  
European Court of Justice (BVerfG decision: In Re Maastricht Treaty, 1993). In other  
words, the Court noted that the force of EU law in Germany follows from the provisions  
of the German Constitution, which approved the delegation of powers to international  
organizations. It was also criticized the extension of the EU's competence through  
mechanisms such as flexibility, noting that if the competence were expanded, it could  
cease to be legally binding in Germany. In this case, it can be concluded that the German  
FCC intended to fully restore its judicial review, which it refused on the basis of the  
Solange II decision, which once again confirms how difficult and important was the issue  
of recognizing the supremacy of EU law over the Constitution in Germany.  
Consequently, in the present case, the Constitutional Court again departed from the  
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provisions of the Solange II decision, stating that permanent review of the jurisdiction of  
the court was imposed due to the lack of a specific mechanism for the protection of  
fundamental human rights within the Community (Horn, 1995). After this decision, it  
became clear that the German court and the Court of Justice of the EU took different  
positions on the understanding of the relationship between European and national legal  
systems. Their main differences also presented the possibility of legal confrontation,  
which could give rise to a European constitutional crisis.  
In its next case, the Bananenmarktordnung, the FCC reaffirmed only its power to  
review EU law only in certain, defined circumstances, both procedurally and in  
substance. The Court reaffirmed its right to limited, conditional control over the  
procedure of a legal issue and a constitutional complaint concerning EU law and found  
that it could not determine the compatibility of EU provisions and fundamental rights  
enshrined in the German Constitution. For this reason, any proposal for  
constitutionality should be rejected as unacceptable if it lacks a justification for  
lowering the standard of protection of human rights (especially in the case-law of the  
Court of Justice of the EU) in relation to the required level of protection (BVerfG  
decision: Bananenmarktordnung, 2000). In other words, the FCC does not have general  
jurisdiction over secondary law in the context of German fundamental rights, because  
the protection of rights is carried out at the Union level.  
Finally, in the case of the Bundesverfassungsgericht, the FCC assessed the  
compliance of the Lisbon Treaty with the provisions of the German Constitution and  
concluded that it had no grounds for disapproving of the Lisbon Treaty. However, the  
FCC proposed certain restrictions on Germany’s future integration by committing itself  
to clearly define the basic powers of the state, which cannot (or only under exceptional  
conditions) be transferred to the European Union and must always be at the national  
level. In particular, it was noted that there should always be “a guarantee that excludes  
the transfer of the identity of the constitutional order of Germany, even in the context of  
restrictions on the revision of the Constitution by the legislature at the supranational  
level, which in turn guarantees the sovereign status of the state. The Constitution  
requires that nation-states remain the owners of treaties at all times. In functional  
terms, the source of power in the EU is the people of Europe with the democratic  
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constitutions of their states. The supranationality of the EU will develop rapidly in the  
political aspect, but it will always be limited  
Bundesverfassungsgericht, 2009).  
(BVerfG decision:  
Analyzing this decision of the FCC, we share the view of A. Steinbach that the  
decision of the FCC on the Lisbon Treaty provides a clearer form of the category of  
"
important areas of responsibility" that states must retain. The reason for this  
concretization is the reaction to the constant expansion of the EU's powers and the  
need to define sufficient space for the political formation of economic, cultural and  
social living conditions by member states, which should not disappear in the member  
states due to European unification based on the union sovereign states. This applies to  
areas that shape the living conditions of citizens, especially private space, their own  
responsibility and political and social security protected by fundamental rights, as well  
as political decisions that are particularly dependent on prior understanding of culture,  
history and language (Steinbach, 2010). The gradual and growing transfer of national  
powers to EU bodies forced the FCC to outline for the first time in this decision those  
basic state powers that cannot be transferred to the EU. However, the criteria used by  
the FCC to single them out cannot claim to be universal in forming a set of inalienable  
sovereign rights throughout the European Union. For example, due to cultural diversity,  
multilingualism is not seen in other EU member states as an obstacle to the functioning  
of their legal order.  
Hence, it can be concluded that the German Constitutional Court has for a long  
time tried to preserve the right to constitutional review of EU legal acts on their  
constitutionality, which in turn manifested itself in a number of decisions we analyzed  
above. However, it should be noted that no EU norm was declared optional and not  
applicable in Germany on the basis of ultra vires, during such a constitutional review by  
the Constitutional Court of Germany. Thus, the FCC never risked creating an open  
conflict with the European Union and the Court of Justice, which in general fully  
corresponds to the concept of constitutional pluralism. There is close cooperation  
between the constitutional courts and the European Court, which is based on the  
principles of mutual respect and the guarantee of national identity. At the same time,  
this cooperation, which is expressed in close dialogue and interaction between the  
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Court of Justice and the national courts of the Member States, essentially contrib utes to  
the development of a pluralistic European legal order as a whole (Pollicino, 2010).  
In general, constitutional pluralism is a theory that was created to clarify the  
issue of the hidden confrontation between EU law and the national (constitutional) law  
of the member states. Following the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, the EU legal order  
can be described as constitutional pluralism, in which the legal systems of the EU and  
the Member States define parallel and overlapping areas. In this context, the position of  
some authors is noteworthy, who note that the reorganization of the Treaty establishing  
a Constitution for Europe (TCE) into the Lisbon Treaty is a transition from one way of  
understanding these relations - constitutional federalism, to another - constitutional  
pluralism (Avbelj, 2008; Cruz, 2008). Thus, the legal order in the EU after the entry into  
force of the Lisbon Treaty is very close to the principles of constitutional pluralism. M.  
Claes notes that most parts of the Constitutional Treaty have been selected and found  
their place in the Lisbon Treaty. But to say that there are no changes at all is like saying  
that the pieces of a broken vase, if glued together, will have a preliminary appearance.  
The difference, however, is not just between the two vases. In addition, the fact that the  
vase was first broken and then glued together is reminiscent of this event (Claes, 2008).  
Conclusions  
Thus, the content of constitutional pluralism as a concept of the functioning of  
the EU legal order, which was formed to resolve the issue of hidden confrontation  
between EU law and national (constitutional) law of member states is that the  
phenomenon of multiple constitutional sources that creating the conditions for  
potential constitutional conflicts between different legal systems need to be decided  
only in conditions of equality. At the same time, the EU legal order is viewed through  
the prism of European integration, which already exists as a constitutional unity and  
does not need a new constitution, which would be enshrined in the traditional  
constitutional way. This constitutional unity of the EU is based on the principles  
established by the Court of Justice of the EU for the relationship between EU law and  
the national law of the Member States (direct action and the rule of EU law).  
According to this concept, the national constitutional courts of the EU Member  
States can give priority to their constitutional norms only if such norms are clear and  
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reflect substantial constitutional obligations. However, in any case, in order to  
maintain the coherence of EU law and the national law of the Member States, it is  
necessary to amend the national constitutions of the EU Member States. And although  
the Constitutional Courts are competent to exercise de facto some control over the  
rules of EU law, because otherwise the national constitutional norms will be in danger  
of disappearing and being completely replaced by the rules of EU law. However, they  
are obliged to interpret domestic law as close as possible to EU law, and in case of  
conflicts to terminate certain national constitutional norms.  
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